Adam Wren

It puts ex-cons in jobs and off the street, but the nonprofit has funding issues that might undermine its mission.

“We take security very seriously,” says Jay Ricker of Anderson-based Ricker Oil Co.

Criminals “try to prey on people they think are weak,” says Just Pizza owner Joey Davis, who claims he once had a gun pressed into his stomach on a delivery before he escaped on foot, uninjured.

Where some of our more noteworthy state and local regulations fall on the pro-control–to–pro-gun spectrum

In 2014, Kansas City, historically one of the 10 most-violent U.S. cities, was headed for its lowest homicide rate in five decades.

His apparent lack of presidential planning at this stage puts him behind where his predecessor, Mitch Daniels, was in 2010.

When Prohibition ended, the boozy, bawdy days of the Indianapolis Press Club began. Patrons favored a martini “so potent that on the third sip” their tongues would be “paralyzed,” according to one account.

Avid hikers often use the Knobstone to warm up for longer hikes along the Appalachian Trail—even calling it “the little AT.” But if you’d like an easier introduction, these three day hikes will do the trick. Gird your glutes!

Indiana’s 63 breweries in 2013 ranked us a modest 20th nationwide for a total number, and we were a middling 14th for our craft breweries per capita—not bad, but not as dominant as we might think.

Nearly six years into teaching his “Boundaries of Science” class, trouble found Eric Hedin, thanks in part to an anonymous informant whose identity and motivations remain a mystery. What happened next threatened to embarrass his employer, Ball State, which formed a special committee to investigate the class’s subject matter.

Kaw Lah is one of thousands of refugees who have fled Myanmar in recent decades. Official statistics put the number of Burmese asylum-seekers in Indiana at around 15,000, but some estimate that as many as 20,000 have resettled here.

What Daniel Foster knows for sure is that by 2:15 a.m., his brother lay in the club’s parking lot, blood seeping from his ear.

For the most part, lobbying in Indiana now seems to be less about quid pro quo than it is about finding a soft spot in the heart of a legislator who can help your cause. And while that might not be as sexy as outright corruption, it still gives watchdog groups cause for concern.

Special interests pay handsomely for the chance to put their stamp on Indiana politics. But in 2013, lobbyists themselves spent a comparatively paltry $4,000 on meals, hotel stays, and tickets to events and attractions for individual lawmakers.

Since the General Assembly lowered the daily gift-reporting minimum from $100 to $50 in 2010, steakhouses and other nice restaurants in Indianapolis have noticed a change in the dining habits of legislators.